Street begging : a capabilities-based exploration of causal pathways, conduct, and consequences
Abstract
Begging has been a feature of towns and cities across the globe for millennia and yet
has been the explicit focus of surprisingly little scholarship. Limited understanding
regarding the reasons people beg and the impact that begging has on them has impeded
the development of effective policy responses. This study set out to add to the evidence
base regarding the causes, conduct, and consequences of begging. It has done this by,
firstly, moving beyond a focus on immediate triggers to explore factors over the life
course that contribute to begging behaviour. Secondly, the techniques and strategies
adopted by individuals when begging, and factors influencing these, were critically
examined. Finally, the research considered the consequences of engaging in begging
for the individuals who engage in it, specifically in terms of how begging enhances or
diminishes their capabilities. Employing a qualitative design that used semi-structured
interviews as the data collection method, this research analysed the insights of 26
professional stakeholders and 22 people with experience of begging across two case
study sites in England, Leeds and Lincoln. Drawing from critical realism as a
metatheoretical framework to guide the research process, the study was primarily
framed using the capabilities approach and enhanced by theoretical contributions from
scholarship on stigma. These theories highlight how the opportunities that people have
and the choices that they make in life are influenced by their experiences and the
context in which they are located.
The findings demonstrated how routes into begging lie in the clustered experiences of
compound disadvantage that can often extend back to childhood. Certain
disadvantages had a particularly corrosive effect on the capability sets of some
individuals, such as a history of insecure housing, experiences of trauma, and
problematic substance use. At the point when begging was first engaged in, individuals
were typically experiencing financial pressures from their problematic substance use
but significantly had a highly constrained capability set which limited the
opportunities available to meet their proximate needs. Begging was therefore an
activity engaged in by people because it was viewed as the least worst option to meet
these needs given the lack of viable alternatives. My analysis found that the reasons to
continue begging were at times different from the motives first driving the decision to
beg. Different people experienced unanticipated outcomes of begging such as having
a daily routine or self-reliance which made begging difficult to desist from. I devised
a new tripartite typology of begging conduct (survivalist, occupationalist, and
opportunist) to conceptualise different patterns that were influenced by different
primary motivations and had different temporal and spatial characteristics. The
patterns were also affected by the balance between the risk of negative outcomes (e.g.
abuse) and positive elements (e.g. maximising income). In addition, performative
elements were found in begging conduct with people using different props or verbal
techniques to engage with passers-by and elicit donations.
This study considered the consequences of begging concerning the six different
capabilities that were found to be impacted most, including: planning for the future;
valued social interactions and relationships; physical security; access to public and
private space; good physical health; and good mental health. Notably, the
consequences of begging were often extremely negative across all the capabilities that
were analysed, with physical health, mental health, and physical security amongst the
areas most detrimentally affected. Where positive experiences did emerge through
certain interactions or reducing isolation, they were fleeting and had no lasting or
significant impact on capabilities. Moreover, in many instances, these outcomes
fostered the continuation of begging which produced feedback loops whereby begging
further degenerated individuals’ existing and already highly constrained capabilities.
These findings have several implications for policy and practice, especially as regards
prevention through early intervention and identifying people at-risk of begging;
addressing the needs of people who beg to remove the need to begging; and
influencing public perception through less stigmatising communications campaigns.